Here in the democratic world, we claim to be helping Ukraine. But are we really doing enough? I think we began rather late, but after (and even before) the Russian invasion in February 2022 we did make some efforts to help Ukraine with arms and ammunition. And two final questions, ‘Why does it matter anyway?’ and ‘What more should we do?’
In thinking this through there are several things to be considered. Let’s deal with those briefly before discussing in more detail whether we are helping Ukraine enough.
The democratic world
We often hear people talk about ‘The West‘ as a catch-all term for the USA, Europe, and any other similar democracies around the globe. This would include the UK, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Japan, South Korea and I could list more. ‘The democratic world’ is not the way we usually express it, but I think it’s a more accurate term than ‘The West’.
Ukraine
Most of us know where Ukraine is, particularly following the Russian invasion. Regular news coverage has given most people a reasonable level of knowledge about the place geographically, socially and historically. But we need to acknowledge that there are two distinct understandings of Ukraine. The democratic world accepts that Ukraine became an independent nation when the Soviet Union broke apart in 1991. Ukraine is also recognised by the UN and other international bodies, with borders widely accepted to include Crimea and the Donbas. But the current Russian leadership has a different view, claiming that Ukraine remains part of the Russian World and should be brought back into the fold, by force if necessary.
Countries that don’t identify as part of either the democratic world or the Russian world also view Ukraine in one of those two ways depending on the strength of their association with Russia. North Korea and Iran, for example, accept the Russian version. Many countries in South America, Africa, the Middle East, and Asia take the view of the democratic world, but by no means all. Voting at the UN reveals where the balance of opinion lies – and it’s not with Russia.
Helping Ukraine
Aid of various kinds has been provided to Ukraine. There has been financial support to the Ukrainian government to help with provision of public services and for reconstruction following Russian destruction of power supplies, hospitals, schools, industries and housing. At the same time a wide range of sanctions have been applied to Russian trade and we can see this as support for Ukraine as well.
Additionally there has been considerable help in the supply of weapons and ammunition to help Ukraine fend off Russian attacks; but this has come with strict limits (don’t use what we are giving you to strike targets inside Russia). Limiting the use of weapons in this way is effectively tying the Ukrainian armed force’s hands behind their backs. The argument is that the Democratic World does not want to ‘provoke’ Russia. That’s a serious weakness, not just for Ukraine, but for all of us.
And although European nations and their allies are still providing arms and ammunition, the USA is not, due to internal wrangling in the House of Representatives.
Is there more we should do?
Undoubtedly, yes, much more. The main thing that is necessary, and therefore the first thing to address, is to decide what outcome we want to see. How do we want this war to end? We should have decided this more than two years ago, even before Russian armour, aircraft, supply vehicles, and troops crossed the international border in a drive to Kyiv on 24th February 2022. There are only four possible answers here:
- We want Russia to win
- We want the war to drag on and on while Russia continues to commit war crimes, destroying towns and cities, targeting essential civilian infrastructure, and killing Ukrainian men, women and children
- We want a ceasefire agreement
- We want Ukraine to win, ie drive Russia back beyond the 1991 borders
So let’s consider the implications of each outcome.
We want Russia to win
This way lies madness, and I don’t think any democratic country is suggesting it. Even if we ignore the illegality of the war, and even if we ignore what Russia would do next (we can guess, given their actions in Bucha, Mariupol, Bakhmut, Avdiivka and so forth), we should never overlook Russia’s existing threats beyond Ukraine. Serious threats have been expressed towards Finland, the three Baltic States, even Poland; and who is to say it would stop there?
We want the war to drag on
In this case we would have to accept that we’d need to go on supporting Ukraine indefinitely with financial and military aid. That represents a very expensive choice! It would also seem to be an abhorrent and immoral choice as it would allow the civilian suffering to continue indefinitely. Does anyone seriously support such an option?
We want a ceasefire agreement
Ukraine would gain a respite from fighting, and so would Russia; it seems like a good choice that many people would support. But we need to think a bit harder about this option. First, it rewards the illegal hostility and land grab that has already taken place. A ceasefire would put an end to Ukrainian hopes of regaining its occupied territory, territory taken against international law and international recognition of borders. Are we really willing to let Russia benefit from its aggression?
And how long would such a ceasefire last? Russia has declared that it wants all of Ukraine (Reuters). Five or six years for Russia to regain its strength, build up its army and armaments, and what would then stop them from starting a new ‘special military operation’. Up until the day of the invasion in 2022, Russia had been telling the world it had no intention of attacking Ukraine! Putin is not a man of his word. Words mean nothing to him; he’s made that clear over and over again. He would simply ignore any commitments previously made in a ceasefire agreement. Trust him at your peril!
We want Ukraine to win
Considering the arguments above, this has to be a no-brainer. Why isn’t it? The answer is clear – we have not thought it through very thoroughly.
I want Ukraine to win, and I want all the countries that support Ukraine to want them to win too. And further, I want all those countries to let Russia know, in no uncertain terms, that our clearly declared intention is that they should lose this unprovoked, illegal war for which they alone carry the responsibility.
Why is it important that Russia understands this? Simply this, that Mr Putin respects strength and clearly expressed intentions. If he is in any doubt that we will settle for less than a full Russian withdrawal from Ukraine including from Crimea and Donbas, he will procrastinate and continue to fight. He may do that anyway, of course. But he must, if necessary, be forced to leave Ukraine.
Why does it matter anyway?
Russia is militarily weaker that they believed themselves to be two years ago, and Ukraine has proved to be far stronger than Putin expected. Russia will not give up voluntarily, so it’s essential that they are forced to do so. It is essential for Ukraine to win as soon as possible, to save innocent lives, to reduce the financial costs for Ukraine and her supporters, and to put Putin and Russia back into a place where they know they have lost and will be unwilling and unable to try again. It’s essential for peace and security in Eastern Europe, and very possibly in Western Europe too. We must not fail Ukraine and we must not fail ourselves. Democratic people deserve to live in a peaceful world. Autocracies must not, in the end, prevail. Indeed, all people deserve to live in a peaceful and harmonious world.
Please don’t misunderstand me, I would very much like peace and harmony with Russia. But that will not become possible until Russian forces withdraw from Ukraine, and accept that military conquest to extend Russian territory is not acceptable.
Historians remind us that we were in a similar situation in 1938 when Czechoslovakia was forced to give significant border areas to Germany ‘to prevent a wider war’. The disputed land was duly given to Germany, but German forces subsequently moved into the rest of the country and took control anyway. World War II broke out soon afterwards when German forces entered Poland.
And that’s what might happen now. Ukraine would be forced to give significant border areas to Russia ‘to prevent a wider war’. The disputed land would be duly given to Russia, but Russian forces would subsequently move into the rest of the country and take control anyway. World War 3 would break out soon afterwards when Russian forces enter Poland and/or the Baltic States.
Let’s not fall into that trap. We need to say, ‘No’, and say it very clearly indeed. We must not say, ‘OK, settle for part of what you want’. Because Putin will smile, take what we agree, and then take the rest later. And he won’t stop there.
There’s another thing to remember. We are not dealing with a reasonable person. Vladimir Putin has lied before, he has never been trustworthy, when he agrees to something it’s because it will bring him an advantage. He regards keeping his word as a serious weakness. He casually murders those who oppose him – even his friends. It’s hard to imagine permanent peace in Europe as long as Putin is alive and free. Russia cannot change while he is in charge. That, too, should remind us of the run up to World War II.
What more should we do?
We should immediately provide much more military support. France is working to provide more armour and air defence missiles. The United States must be deeply embarrassed at their present inability to provide ammunition and air defence help. Czechia has done really well to arrange to supply more than a million shells.
In parallel, our governments should urgently be ramping up manufacture of ammunition for our own stocks in addition to supplying Ukraine, and we must increase military budgets to innovate and enlarge our armed forces. Perhaps the war will not spread beyond Ukraine, but we cannot assume that. It is always better to be safe than sorry. We must stop acting as if war is far away and can never come closer. The old Boy Scouts motto applies – ‘Be prepared’.
See also:
- Daily updates on the war – ISW
- Help by donating, choose what you want to support – Support Ukraine
- Some interesting interviews – Silicon Curtain (Ben Hodges), Times Radio (Bill Browder), Times Radio (Philip Breedlove)
- Ukrainian culture and art interspersed with news of events – Yaroslava Antipina
- War in Ukraine – Wikipedia
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